By Berthold Rittberger
Why have the nationwide governments of ecu member states successively endowed the eu Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers over the last fifty years? Building Europe's Parliament sheds new mild in this pivotal factor, and offers a tremendous contribution to the examine of the eu Parliament.
Rittberger develops a idea of delegation to consultant associations in foreign politics which mixes parts of democratic conception and diversified strands of institutionalist conception. to check the plausibility of his idea, Rittberger attracts on broad archival fabric and provides theory-guided, in-depth case reports of 3 landmark judgements within the heritage of the eu Parliament: the construction of the typical meeting of the ECSC in 1951 and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the quasi-executive excessive Authority; the delegation of budgetary powers following the signing of the Treaty of Luxembourg in 1970; and the delegation of legislative powers as a result of the adoption of the only ecu Act signed in 1986. this is often by means of the charting of newer key advancements, culminating within the adoption of the Constitutional Treaty in 2004.
The ebook presents a welcome boost to the literature on institutional layout through reflecting at the stipulations less than which governments pick out the production and empowerment of parliamentary associations in overseas politics. It additionally makes a necessary contribution to the applying of democratic idea to the examine of the eu Union through demonstrating that political elites shared the view that the recent supranational polity which emerged from the particles of worldwide warfare II suffered from "democratic deficit" for the reason that its inception, hence disproving the declare that the lamented "democratic deficit" is a up to date phenomenon.
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Extra resources for Building Europe's Parliament: Democratic Representation beyond the Nation State
Although Wagner’s theoretically derived expectations are largely corroborated in his work, his approach is, nevertheless, causally incomplete. The causal mechanisms linking political culture and the preferences held by political actors remain obfuscated: how does political culture ‘get’ to decision-makers and their preferences? Furthermore, Wagner’s definition of political culture misses some major variation in domestic support or opposition for the strengthening of the powers of the EP. Jachtenfuchs’s work, which I introduce in the ensuing paragraphs, has demonstrated convincingly that support and/or opposition to empowering the EP varies not only across but also within national polities.
Unitary states . . , are expected to prefer indirect parliamentary legitimation for the EU’ (Wagner 2002: 29). Hence, federally-organized member states such as Germany and Belgium in which regional policy is directly legitimized through the involvement of regional parliaments are expected to be in favour of a strengthening of the EP’s powers while unitary states, such as France, are less inclined to support its empowerment. Although Wagner’s theoretically derived expectations are largely corroborated in his work, his approach is, nevertheless, causally incomplete.
Rather than taking agents as givens or primitives in social explanations, as rationalists tend to do’, sociological institutionalists are interested in ‘showing the socially constructed nature of agents and subjects’ (Fearon and Wendt 2002: 57) by pointing to the constitutive role of systemic (inter and transnational) and/ or sub-systemic (domestic) norms or ideas. In contrast to rationalists, sociological institutionalists thus ‘problematize and endogenize identities, interests—and, ultimately, actors as well’ (Schimmelfennig 2003: 69).
Building Europe's Parliament: Democratic Representation beyond the Nation State by Berthold Rittberger