By Steven Levitsky
Aggressive authoritarian regimes - during which autocrats undergo significant multiparty elections yet have interaction in severe democratic abuse - proliferated within the post-Cold warfare period. in keeping with a close examine of 35 circumstances in Africa, Asia, Latin the United States, and post-communist Eurasia, this publication explores the destiny of aggressive authoritarian regimes among 1990 and 2008. It reveals that the place social, fiscal, and technocratic ties to the West have been wide, as in jap Europe and the Americas, the exterior expense of abuse led incumbents to cede strength instead of crack down, which resulted in democratization. the place ties to the West have been restricted, exterior democratizing strain was once weaker and international locations not often democratized. In those circumstances, regime results hinged at the personality of nation and ruling occasion agencies. the place incumbents possessed constructed and cohesive coercive celebration constructions, they can thwart competition demanding situations, and aggressive authoritarian regimes survived; the place incumbents lacked such organizational instruments, regimes have been volatile yet hardly democratized.
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Extra info for Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War
It also created incentives for successor governments to rule democratically. Among high-linkage cases, not a single authoritarian government remained in power through 2008 and nearly every transition resulted in democracy. , Guyana, Macedonia, and Romania). Where linkage was low, as in most of Africa and the former Soviet Union, external democratizing pressure was weaker. Consequently, regime outcomes were driven primarily by domestic factors, particularly the organizational power of incumbents.
Schedler (2002b: 36). Linz (2000: 34). See also Brown (2005: 2). Diamond (2002: 24). See also Linz (2000: 33–4). 84 Thus, the concept of electoral authoritarianism encompasses both competitive authoritarian regimes and noncompetitive regimes such as those in Egypt, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. Our conceptualization is more restrictive. We limit the category to regimes in which opposition forces use democratic institutions to contest seriously for executive power. Such a narrow deﬁnition is not a mere exercise in conceptual hairsplitting.
Media access may be denied in several ways. Frequently, the most important disparities exist in access to broadcast media, combined with biased and partisan coverage. In many competitive authoritarian regimes, the state controls all television and most – if not all – radio broadcasting. Although independent newspapers and magazines may circulate freely, they generally reach only a small urban elite. In such cases, if radio and television are state-run and state-run channels are biased in favor of the governing party, opposition forces are effectively denied access to the media.
Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War by Steven Levitsky