By Michael Flamm
Within the mid-1960s, amid a pervasive feel that American society was once coming aside on the seams, a brand new factor referred to as 'law and order' emerged on the vanguard of nationwide politics. First brought by way of Barry Goldwater in his ill-fated run for president in 1964, it will definitely punished Lyndon Johnson and the Democrats and propelled Richard Nixon and the Republicans to the White condo in 1968. during this thought-provoking learn, Michael W. Flamm examines how conservatives effectively blamed liberals for the speedy upward thrust in road crime after which skillfully used legislations and order to hyperlink the comprehensible fears of white electorate to transforming into unease approximately altering ethical values, the civil rights move, city sickness, and antiwar protests. Liberals, Flamm argues, have been against this not able to craft a compelling message for fearful electorate. in its place, they both overlooked the crime drawback, claimed that legislations and order used to be a racist ruse, or maintained that social courses could resolve the "root explanations" of civil unrest. by way of 1968, this appeared more and more not likely and contributed to a lack of religion within the skill of the govt. to do what it was once specifically sworn to do-protect own safety and personal estate.
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Extra info for Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s (Columbia Studies in Contemporary American History)
With the convention at hand, Goldwater was therefore careful to praise the Alabama Democrat for his opposition to crime and disorder even as he declined to add him to the Republican ticket. In San Francisco, Goldwater signaled his intent to harvest the votes of ethnic whites by making “crime in the streets” one of his central campaign themes. 17 In addition, former President Dwight Eisenhower’s speech to the convention demonstrated beyond doubt the potency of law and order. In a last-minute departure from his prepared text, he warned against false sympathy for criminals—and the delegates erupted.
22 The ﬁlm also launched Sidney Poitier’s career and broadened the appeal of rock music (through the soundtrack’s use of “Rock around the Clock” by Bill Haley and the Comets). Most important, it provided implicit support for the idea that delinquency was primarily a product of the home, not of poverty or race. Blackboard Jungle opens on a note of somber realism, with a written disclaimer expressing support for America’s schools and youth. 23 But the ﬁlm does not portray the two in equal terms. West is a one-dimensional ﬁgure whose sociopathic behavior stems from his fear of military service and an early death.
Most research in fact pointed to the importance of family socialization, not neighborhood institutions. That ﬁnding conﬂicted with the Kennedy administration’s desire for dramatic and immediate solutions to the delinquency problem. But to conservatives more interested in moral indictments of wayward youth than social programs for troubled youths or structural critiques of urban society, the family model proved useful. ”56 MFY came under ﬁre for what it did and did not do. On the one hand, it failed to curb juvenile crime, although it may have slowed the rate of growth.
Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s (Columbia Studies in Contemporary American History) by Michael Flamm