By Catherine Boone
In such a lot post-colonial regimes in sub-Saharan Africa, nation energy has been used to constitution fiscal creation in ways in which have tended to supply financial stagnation instead of progress. during this ebook, Catherine Boone examines the ways that the workout of nation strength has inhibited fiscal development, concentrating on the case of Senegal. She strains adjustments within the political financial system of Senegal from the heyday of colonial service provider capital within the Thirties to the decay of the neo-colonial service provider capital within the Nineteen Eighties and divulges that outdated buying and selling monopolies, advertisement hierarchies and styles of wealth accumulation have been preserved on the rate of reforms that may have motivated fiscal progress. Boone makes use of this example to boost an issue opposed to analyses of political-economic improvement that determine country associations and ideologies as self reliant forces using the method of financial transformation. country energy, she argues, is rooted within the fabric and social bases of ruling alliances.
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Extra resources for Merchant Capital and the Roots of State Power in Senegal: 1930-1985
In a postmortem analysis of the Nkrumah regime, Roger Murray (1967:31) wrote: 22. For a detailed description of the struggle between cocoa farmers and private traders on the one hand, and the Nkrumah regime on the other, see Beckman 1976. 23. See Mamdani 1976:315, inter alia. Elsewhere, less powerful indigenous planter and merchant classes that had accumulated capital by the 1950s also lost out in political struggles that followed independence. Tanzania is an example. 26 Merchant capital and state power What we have to recognize is that the ground and perspective of class analysis has to shift away from a simple itemization of the various internal class quantities, qualities and attitudes [of the political class] towards a totalization of the decolonization process, embracing the whole range of determinations exterior to the class "situation" or "interest" (if this could be adequately defined) of the dominant group and its local rivals.
It could involve the direct appropriation of state resources, securing and defaulting on government loans, or collecting commissions on government contracts. Most widespread, however, was politicized accumulation that took the form of rentier activities in the commercial sector. This form was also the most significant. Rentierism in the commercial sector was the oil that lubricated the political and economic structures of the postcolonial state and spread the logic of coalition building down to regimes' rural foundations.
12. See Flynn 1974; Sandbrook 1972; Fatton 1987:96, 102-3. 13. There is a large body of literature on African political development that sees patronage politics as a product of political culture or as a mechanism promoting national integration and political participation where state institutions are weak. See, for example, Bienen 1974. This work tends to emphasize the "reciprocity" inherent in patron-client relations. It can be contrasted with the works of Flynn (1974) and Fatton (1987), for example, which emphasize the forms of exploitation and control that are inherent in patronage relations.
Merchant Capital and the Roots of State Power in Senegal: 1930-1985 by Catherine Boone