By Maurice Crul, Liesbeth Heering
This primary e-book of the binds venture (Towards the mixing of the ecu moment iteration) examines the social stratification and perspectives of the second one Dutch iteration of Turkish and Moroccan beginning residing within the Netherlands. Drawing on examine performed in 2006–7 the Dutch-born kids of immigrants from Turkey and Morocco in Amsterdam and Rotterdam and a comparability staff of adolescents whose mom and dad have been born within the Netherlands, this quantity sheds vital gentle at the lives of the second-generation Muslim early life coming of age and creating a transition from schooling to the hard work market.** [C:\Users\Microsoft\Documents\Calibre Library]
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Additional info for The Position of the Turkish and Moroccan Second Generation in Amsterdam and Rotterdam: The TIES Study in the Netherlands
2 that a greater proportion of Turks or Moroccans occupy flats or apartments than do members of the comparison group. On the whole, the former’s housing situation is less favourable. Their dwellings are smaller than those of the comparison group and date more often from the 1950s and 1960s, which implies that they are of lower quality (not yet having been subjected to urban renewal) than pre-war housing. Turks and Moroccans are less often to be found in houses built in more recent periods. 71 for the comparison group.
5 years younger than the Amsterdam comparison group. 5 years younger than the Rotterdam comparison group. 3). Among them, many have Turkish or Moroccan citizenship as well. Secondgeneration Turks more often have such dual nationality than secondgeneration Moroccans. This result is surprising because, according to Moroccan law, one cannot give up his or her Moroccan nationality. 0 470 birth to acquire Moroccan citizenship. Those who do not actually have a Moroccan passport reported single, rather than dual, citizenship.
Mothers, more often than fathers, and Moroccans, more often than Turks, did not attend school at all. Attending only a Koran school was more characteristic of first-generation Moroccans than first-generation Turks. 0 512 is highly educated. Among first-generation Moroccan and Turkish fathers, this is less than 8 per cent, and the figures are even lower for the mothers. 10 that more than half of the firstgeneration Turkish and Moroccan fathers had a paid job or business. Only 8 per cent of the first-generation Moroccan mothers and 10 per cent of the first-generation Turkish mothers had a job before migrating.
The Position of the Turkish and Moroccan Second Generation in Amsterdam and Rotterdam: The TIES Study in the Netherlands by Maurice Crul, Liesbeth Heering